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In 1913 Dublin lacked a real
industrial base and work was
generally of a casual nature
with poor union organisation
and slave wages. A third of the
city’s teeming population
inhabited the centre city
tenement slums. The
overcrowding, squalor and
inadequate sanitation combined
with poor diet to give Dublin
one of the highest infant death
rates in Europe.
High levels of violence and
prostitution offered further
evidence of the demoralised
state of many of the population.
It was in many ways an unlikely
seed-bed for trade unionism.
The social system was typified
by insecurity of employment,
personal daily struggles for
survival and the frequent
indifference of the longer
established - but conservative -
craft trade unions.
The New Unionism, marked
by its organisation of the
unskilled and socialist zeal, had
briefly flourished in Dublin in
the 1890s. But the odds were
heavily stacked against
permanent success: many union
organisations had become
moribund. With James Larkin’s
arrival in Ireland as organiser
for the National Union of Dock
Labourers (NUDL), the
waterfront workers rose again,
firstly in Belfast in 1907 and
subsequently in other Irish
ports.
Disagreement with the
NUDL’s Liverpool Executive led
to Larkin’s suspension and the
launch in 1909 of a Dublin-
based union for unskilled
workers - the Irish Transport
and General Workers’ Union.
From the beginning the new
union enunciated in its rule
book a wide programme of
industrial and political agitation
to change society in the
interests of the Irish working
class. But the employers would
not be silent observers.
The Bosses Organise
Under the calculating
leadership of William Martin
Murphy, owner of the Irish
Independent and controller of
the Dublin Tramways Company,
over 400 employers combined in
the Dublin Employers’
Federation to deny the same
rights of combination to the
city’s underprivileged. Their aim
was to remove the threat of the
ITGWU and its message of
discontent articulated by
Larkin's street oratory.
The crunch came on August
15 1913 when Murphy offered
the workers in the Independent’s
dispatch department the choice
of Union or job. When their
loyalty to the union resulted in
dismissal, prompt solidarity
action saw the dispute escalate
with further dismissals in
Eason’s and on the trams.
The now confident employers
issued the infamous ‘document’,
locking out any worker that
refused to sign a pledge to
disown the ITGWU. By the end
of September over 20,000 were
locked out.
Bloody Sunday
On Sunday, 31 August, the
IN DUBLIN
CITY IN 1913
At this year’s RMT Charles Watkins memorial
lecture Francis Devine told the story of the
Dublin lock-out and its lessons for today
POLICE RIOT: Members of the Dublin Metropolitan
Police launch an unprovoked attack on both passers-by
and union supporters who had turned up for a public
meeting in Dublin's O'Connell Street.